Title
Supreme Court
Pangili vs. Cayetano
Case
G.R. No. 238875
Decision Date
Mar 16, 2021
The Philippines withdrew from the ICC in 2018; petitioners challenged the unilateral withdrawal, but the Supreme Court dismissed the case as moot, upholding presidential authority in foreign policy.

Case Summary (G.R. No. 238875)

Justiciability and Mootness

The Court emphasized that it exercises judicial power only over actual, live controversies: disputes with definite facts, direct injury, and relief that the Court can grant. Because the Philippines had completed all steps for withdrawal and the ICC accepted it, there was no ongoing controversy to resolve. The withdrawal was a fait accompli, rendering any judicial declaration or mandamus futile. Accordingly, the petitions were moot.

Standing and Hierarchy of Courts

Senators claimed injury to the Senate’s treaty-concurrence prerogative, but the Senate as a collegial body never adopted the proposed Resolution No. 289 (requiring its concurrence for withdrawal), and thus no institutional right was shown. Civil society petitioners and the IBP alleged impacts on human rights, but failed to demonstrate direct, material, and substantial injury; they also did not establish special reasons for third-party or taxpayers’ suits. The Court held that only parties with personal stake and injury can invoke judicial review.

Political Question Doctrine and Judicial Restraint

Treaty withdrawal touches on foreign affairs, a domain primarily entrusted to the executive. Although not automatically unreviewable, the Court will refrain from deciding matters that lack judicially manageable standards or are premature, to preserve separation of powers. Here, petitioners sought to substitute the Court’s policy judgment for that of the President in external relations—an inappropriate intrusion into a political question.

Executive Powers and Treaty Withdrawal

Under the 1987 Constitution, the President is “the sole organ of the nation in its external relations” and may negotiate, ratify, and enforce treaties. However, the President’s discretion is bounded by the Constitution and existing laws. Treaties must not contravene the Constitution; a treaty inconsistent with a law must yield to the statute. In cases where a treaty itself conflicts with the Constitution or domestic statutes, the President may withdraw to uphold the fundamental law.

Legislative Prerogatives in Treaty Withdrawal

Article VII, Section 21 requires Senate concurrence for treaties to become valid and effective domestically. Drawing on comparative doctrines (Youngstown framework, mirror principle), the Court recognized that withdrawal procedures should mirror legislative involvement in treaty entry. When treaties are adopted with minimal Senate participation, the President retains broader discretion; but where legislative imprimatur or statute underlies entry, withdrawal demands legislative action.

Guidelines for Future Treaty Withdrawal

The Court established that:

  1. The President may unilaterally withdraw treaties deemed repugnant to the Constitution or statutes, subject to good-faith judgment and judicial review for grave abuse of discretion.
  2. Withdrawal is impermissible if the treaty was entered into pursuant to an express legislative directive or implemented by statute—legislation must be repealed first.
  3. Withdrawal cannot override a Senate concurrence conditioned on its agreement to the termination; any such condition, once adopted, binds the executive.

Domestic Implementation of International Crimes Law

Republic Act No. 9851 (2009), enacted two years before the Senate’s concurrence to the Rome Statute, criminalizes genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and includes broader protections (e.g., child-soldier recruitment under age 18, expanded definitions of torture, global jurisdiction over Filipino nationals). It implements “complementarity” within do

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