DISSENTING OPINION
SARMIENTO, J.:
I reiterate in the strongest terms possible, my dissent in the Decision of May 2, 1988. Let it also be attached and incorporated by reference hereto.
In my opinion, the majority has ignored, by inadvertence or design, the constitutional underpinnings supporting the case.
I also hold as untenable, sarcastic, and condescending what would come down, to all intents and purposes, as the disposition of the motion for reconsideration:
In conclusion, We wish to reiterate that while We value the right of students to complete their education in the school or university of their choice, and while We fully respect their righ
t to resort to rallies and demonstrations
for the redress of their grievances and as a part of their freedom of speech and their right to assemble, still such rallies, demonstrations, and assemblies must always be conducted peacefully, and without resort to intimidation, coercion, or violence.
Academic freedom in all its forms, demands the full display of discipline.
To hold otherwise would be to subvert freedom into degenerate license.
The question, precisely, is whether or not the "rallies, demonstrations, and assemblies" had been conducted with "resort to intimidation, coercion, or violence." The majority would have it, so it appears from the Resolution and so I would make it out therefrom, that the fact alone that the petitioning students had held the questioned gathering en masse, they, ergo, had been guilty of "intimidation, coercion, or violence." In my brethren's disposition of May 2, 1988, reference was-made on alleged "noisy demonstrations" -- but that was all. There was no mention, indeed, any evidence, of "intimidation, coercion, or violence that would warrant a judicial rebuke.
In my dissent (on the main Decision), I alluded to two cases, both landmark in character: Malabanan v. Ramento and U.S. vs. Apurado. I turn to Ramento:
x x x If in the course of such demonstration with an enthusiastic audience goading them on, utterances, extremely critical, at times even vitriolic, were let loose, that is quite understandable.
Student leaders are hardly the timid, diffident-types.
They would be ineffective if during a rally they speak in the guarded and judicious language of the academe.
At any rate, even a sympathetic audience
is not disposed to accord full credence to their fiery exhortations.
They take into account the excitement of the occasion, the propensity of speakers to exaggerate, the exuberance of youth.
They may give the speakers the benefit of their applause, but with the activity taking place in the school premises and during the daytime, no clear and present danger of public disorder is discernible.
I also advert to Apurado:
It is rather expected that more or less disorder will mark the public assembly of the people to protest against grievances whether real or imaginary, because on such occasions feeling is always wrought to a high pitch of excitement, and the greater the grievance and the more intense the feeling, the less perfect, as a rule, will be the disciplinary control of the leaders over their irresponsible followers.
But if the prosecution be permitted to seize upon every instance of such disorderly conduct by individual members of a crowd as an excuse to characterize the assembly as seditious and tumultuous rising against the authorities, then the right to assemble and to petition for redress of grievances would become a delusion and a snare and the attempt to exercise it on the most righteous occasion and in the most peaceable manner would expose all those who took part therein to the severest and most unmerited punishment, if the purposes which they sought to attain did not happen to be pleasing to the prosecuting authorities.
If instances of disorderly conduct occur on such occasions, the guilty individuals should be sought out and punished therefor, but the utmost discretion must be exercised in drawing the line between disorderly and seditious conduct and between an essentially peaceable assembly and a tumultuous uprising.
The foregoing are principles well-entrenched in the annals of Philippine jurisprudence. The instant Resolution, and much to my regret, undoes all that.
It also undoes what Ramento has so eloquently written:
8.
It does not follow, however, that petitioners can be totally absolved for the events that transpired.
Admittedly, there was a violation of the terms of the permit.
The rally was held at a place other than that specified, in the second floor lobby, rather than the basketball court, of the VMAS building of the University.
Moreover, it was continued longer than the period allowed.
According to the decision of respondent Ramento, the "concerted activity [referring to such assembly] went on until 5:30 p.m." Private respondents could thus, take disciplinary action.
On those facts, however, an admonition, even a censure -- certainly not a suspension -- could be the appropriate penalty.
Private respondents could and did take umbrage at the fact that in view of such infraction -- considering the places where and the time when the demonstration took place -- there was a disruption of the classes and stoppage of work of the non-academic personnel.
They would not be unjustified then if they did take a much more serious view of the matter.
Even then a one-year period of suspension is much too severe.
While the discretion of both respondent University and
respondent Ramento is recognized, the rule of reason, the dictate of fairness calls for a much lesser penalty.
If the concept of proportionality between the offense committed and the sanction imposed is not followed, an element of arbitrariness intrudes.
That would give rise to a due process question.
To avoid this constitutional objection, it is the holding of this Court that a one-week suspension would be punishment enough.
I find disturbing, finally, the indifference, if carelessness, at how my colleagues would so gruffly dispose of the intervenors' case. It is true that under the Manual of Regulations for Private Schools instructors enjoy a three-year probation, upon completion of which, they acquire a security of tenure, for which they may not be - removed unless for just cause. In the case of the intervenor, Asser Tamayo, the majority admits that he has completed three and one-half years, and therefore, has acquired permanency in office. The catch, however, is that:
However, because the investigation showed that Mr. Tamayo had participated in the unlawful demonstration, his services cannot be deemed satisfactory.
What is plain is that we are here depriving a citizen of what, in all probability, is his sole bread and butter. What is also clear is that we are depriving him-of livelihood because he "had participated in the unlawful [?] demonstration." What is evident to me, finally, is that by a stroke of the pen, we would have, in all likelihood, punished him for exercising his constitutional right of free expression and peaceable assembly.
As I indicated, I agree that probation lasts three years, under the Manual of Regulations for Private Schools. I do not agree, however, that during that period, schools are free to fire probationers and hire replacements, unless for cause. It is only upon the expiration of the period that the college is at liberty to determine appointing them or looking elsewhere to fill the job.
Apparently, these are the straits in which instructor-petitioner-Rene (Rafael) Encarnacion and intervenor Severino Cortes, Jr. had found themselves. I hold, accordingly, that they are entitled to reinstatement barring the existence of just causes. And I find none here.
Accordingly, I vote to grant reconsideration.